• View enhanced case on Westlaw
  • KeyCite this case on Westlaw
  • http://laws.findlaw.com/7th/003643.html
    AMERICAN AMUSEMENT v. KENDRICK, TERI
    
    In the
    United States Court of Appeals
    For the Seventh Circuit
    
    No. 00-3643
    
    American Amusement Machine Association, et al.,
    
    Plaintiffs-Appellants,
    
    v.
    
    Teri Kendrick, et al.,
    
    Defendants-Appellees.
    
    
    
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the Southern District of Indiana, Indianapolis Division.
    No. IP00-1321-C H/G--David F. Hamilton, Judge.
    
    
    Argued December 1, 2000--Decided March 23, 2001
    
    
    
     Before Posner, Diane P. Wood, and Williams, Circuit
    Judges.
    
     Posner, Circuit Judge. The manufacturers of video
    games and their trade association seek to enjoin,
    as a violation of freedom of expression, the
    enforcement of an Indianapolis ordinance that
    seeks to limit the access of minors to video
    games that depict violence. Denial of a
    preliminary injunction has precipitated this
    appeal.
    
     The ordinance defines the term "harmful to
    minors" to mean "an amusement machine that
    predominantly appeals to minors' morbid interest
    in violence or minors' prurient interest in sex,
    is patently offensive to prevailing standards in
    the adult community as a whole with respect to
    what is suitable material for persons under the
    age of eighteen (18) years, lacks serious
    literary, artistic, political or scientific value
    as a whole for persons under" that age, and
    contains either "graphic violence" or "strong
    sexual content." "Graphic violence," which is all
    that is involved in this case (so far as appears,
    the plaintiffs do not manufacture, at least for
    exhibition in game arcades and other public
    places, video games that have "strong sexual
    content"), is defined to mean "an amusement
    machine's visual depiction or representation of
    realistic serious injury to a human or human-like
    being where such serious injury includes
    amputation, decapitation, dismemberment,
    bloodshed, mutilation, maiming or disfiguration
    [disfigurement]."
    
     The ordinance forbids any operator of five or
    more video-game machines in one place to allow a
    minor unaccompanied by a parent, guardian, or
    other custodian to use "an amusement machine that
    is harmful to minors," requires appropriate
    warning signs, and requires that such machines be
    separated by a partition from the other machines
    in the location and that their viewing areas be
    concealed from persons who are on the other side
    of the partition. Operators of fewer than five
    games in one location are subject to all but the
    partitioning restriction. Monetary penalties, as
    well as suspension and revocation of the right to
    operate the machines, are specified as remedies
    for violations of the ordinance.
    
     The ordinance was enacted in 2000, but has not
    yet gone into effect, in part because we stayed
    it pending the decision of the appeal. The
    legislative history indicates that the City
    believes that participation in violent video
    games engenders violence on the part of the
    players, at least when they are minors. The City
    placed in evidence videotapes of several of the
    games that it believes violate the ordinance.
    
     Although the district judge agreed with the
    plaintiffs that video games, possibly including
    some that would violate the ordinance, are
    "speech" within the meaning of the First
    Amendment and that children have rights under the
    free-speech clause, he held that the ordinance
    would violate the amendment only if the City
    lacked "a reasonable basis for believing the
    Ordinance would protect children from harm." He
    found a reasonable basis in a pair of empirical
    studies by psychologists which found that playing
    a violent video game tends to make young persons
    more aggressive in their attitudes and behavior,
    and also in a larger literature finding that
    violence in the media engenders aggressive
    feelings. The judge also ruled that the
    ordinance's tracking of the conventional standard
    for obscenity eliminated any concern that the
    ordinance might be excessively vague.
    
     Having decided that the ordinance did not
    violate the plaintiffs' constitutional rights,
    the district judge did not consider the other
    criteria that might bear on the decision to grant
    or deny a preliminary injunction. In this appeal
    too, the parties argue only over whether the
    ordinance is legal, tempting us to treat this as
    if it were an appeal from a final judgment in
    favor of the defendants. We shall consider at the
    end of the opinion whether there is any occasion
    for further proceedings in the district court.
    
     The ordinance brackets violence with sex, and
    the City asks us to squeeze the provision on
    violence into a familiar legal pigeonhole, that
    of obscenity, which is normally concerned with
    sex and is not protected by the First Amendment,
    while the plaintiffs insist that since their
    games are not obscene in the conventional sense
    they must receive the full protection of the
    First Amendment. Neither position is compelling.
    Violence and obscenity are distinct categories of
    objectionable depiction, Winters v. New York, 333
    U.S. 507, 518-20 (1948); United States v. Thoma,
    726 F.2d 1191, 1200 (7th Cir. 1984) ("depictions
    of torture and deformation are not inherently
    sexual and, absent some expert guidance as to how
    such violence appeals to the prurient interest of
    a deviant group, there is no basis upon which a
    trier of fact could deem such material obscene");
    State v. Johnson, 343 So. 2d 705, 709-10 (La.
    1977), and so the fact that obscenity is excluded
    from the protection of the principle that
    government may not regulate the content of
    expressive activity (as distinct from the time,
    place, or manner of the activity) neither compels
    nor forecloses a like exclusion of violent
    imagery. This would be obvious if a pornographer
    were to argue that because violence is "like"
    obscenity yet has not yet been placed on the list
    of expressive forms that can be regulated on the
    basis of their content, see, e.g., R.A.V. v. City
    of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 382-84 (1992); DiMa
    Corp. v. Town of Hallie, 185 F.3d 823, 827 (7th
    Cir. 1999), obscenity should be struck from the
    list.
    
     We shall discover some possible intersections
    between the concerns that animate obscenity laws
    and the concerns that animate the Indianapolis
    ordinance as we proceed, but in general the
    concerns are different. The main worry about
    obscenity, the main reason for its proscription,
    is not that it is harmful, which is the worry
    behind the Indianapolis ordinance, but that it is
    offensive. A work is classified as obscene not
    upon proof that it is likely to affect anyone's
    conduct, but upon proof that it violates
    community norms regarding the permissible scope
    of depictions of sexual or sex-related activity.
    Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973);
    United States v. Moore, 215 F.3d 681, 686 (7th
    Cir. 2000); United States v. Langford, 688 F.2d
    1088, 1091 (7th Cir. 1982); United States v. Loy,
    237 F.3d 251, 262 (3d Cir. 2001). Obscenity is to
    many people disgusting, embarrassing, degrading,
    disturbing, outrageous, and insulting, but it
    generally is not believed to inflict temporal (as
    distinct from spiritual) harm; or at least the
    evidence that it does is not generally considered
    as persuasive as the evidence that other speech
    that can be regulated on the basis of its
    content, such as threats of physical harm,
    conspiratorial communications, incitements,
    frauds, and libels and slanders, inflicts such
    harm. There are people who believe that some
    forms of graphically sexual expression, not
    necessarily obscene in the conventional legal
    sense, may incite men to commit rape, or to
    disvalue women in the workplace or elsewhere,
    see, e.g., Catharine A. MacKinnon, Only Words
    (1993); but that is not the basis on which
    obscenity has traditionally been punished. No
    proof that obscenity is harmful is required
    either to defend an obscenity statute against
    being invalidated on constitutional grounds or to
    uphold a prosecution for obscenity. Offensiveness
    is the offense.
    
     One can imagine an ordinance directed at
    depictions of violence because they, too, were
    offensive. Maybe violent photographs of a person
    being drawn and quartered could be suppressed as
    disgusting, embarrassing, degrading, or
    disturbing without proof that they are likely to
    cause any of the viewers to commit a violent act.
    They might even be described as "obscene," in the
    same way that photographs of people defecating
    might be, and in many obscenity statutes are,
    included within the legal category of the
    obscene, Miller v. California, supra, 413 U.S. at
    25; Pope v. Illinois, 481 U.S. 497, 501 n. 4
    (1987); United States v. Langford, supra, 688
    F.2d at 1091 n. 3, even if they have nothing to
    do with sex. In common speech, indeed, "obscene"
    is often just a synonym for repulsive, with no
    sexual overtones at all.
    
     But offensiveness is not the basis on which
    Indianapolis seeks to regulate violent video
    games. Nor could the ordinance be defended on
    that basis. The most violent game in the record,
    "The House of the Dead," depicts zombies being
    killed flamboyantly, with much severing of limbs
    and effusion of blood; but so stylized and
    patently fictitious is the cartoon-like depiction
    that no one would suppose it "obscene" in the
    sense in which a photograph of a person being
    decapitated might be described as "obscene." It
    will not turn anyone's stomach. The basis of the
    ordinance, rather, is a belief that violent video
    games cause temporal harm by engendering
    aggressive attitudes and behavior, which might
    lead to violence.
    
     This is a different concern from that which
    animates the obscenity laws, though it does not
    follow from this that government is helpless to
    respond to the concern by regulating such games.
    Protecting people from violence is at least as
    hallowed a role for government as protecting
    people from graphic sexual imagery. Chaplinsky v.
    New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 572-73 (1942),
    permits punishment of "fighting words," that is,
    words likely to cause a breach of the peace--
    violence. See also R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul,
    supra, 505 U.S. at 386, 391-92. Such punishment
    is permissible "content based" regulation, and in
    effect Indianapolis is arguing that violent video
    games incite youthful players to breaches of the
    peace. But this is to use the word "incitement"
    metaphorically. As we'll see, no showing has been
    made that games of the sort found in the record
    of this case have such an effect. Nor can such a
    showing be dispensed with on the ground that
    preventing violence is as canonical a role of
    government as shielding people from graphic
    sexual imagery. The issue in this case is not
    violence as such, or directly; it is violent
    images; and here the symmetry with obscenity
    breaks down. Classic literature and art, and not
    merely today's popular culture, are saturated
    with graphic scenes of violence, whether narrated
    or pictorial. The notion of forbidding not
    violence itself, but pictures of violence, is a
    novelty, whereas concern with pictures of graphic
    sexual conduct is of the essence of the
    traditional concern with obscenity.
    
     There is a hint, though, that the City is also
    concerned with the welfare of the game-playing
    children themselves, and not just the welfare of
    their potential victims. This concern is implicit
    in the City's citation of Ginsberg v. New York,
    390 U.S. 629, 639-43 (1968), which holds that
    potential harm to children's ethical and
    psychological development is a permissible ground
    for trying to shield them from forms of sexual
    expression that fall short of obscenity. See also
    FCC v. Pacifica Foundation, 438 U.S. 726, 749-50
    (1978). Ginsberg upheld a statute that forbade
    any representation of nudity that "(i)
    predominantly appeals to the prurient, shameful
    or morbid interest of minors, and (ii) is
    patently offensive to prevailing standards in the
    adult community as a whole with respect to what
    is suitable material for minors, and (iii) is
    utterly without redeeming social importance for
    minors." 390 U.S. at 633. In the present setting,
    concern with the welfare of the child might take
    two forms. One is a concern with the potential
    psychological harm to children of being exposed
    to violent images, and would be unrelated to the
    broader societal concern with violence that was
    the primary motivation for the ordinance.
    Another, subtler concern would be with the
    consequences for the child incited or predisposed
    to commit violent acts by exposure to violent
    images. In Hoctor v. U.S. Dept. of Agriculture,
    82 F.3d 165, 168 (7th Cir. 1996), we noted that
    the Animal Welfare Act requires secure
    containment of dangerous animals in part because
    if they escape and injure a human being they are
    likely to be killed. A child who is caught and
    punished for committing a violent act suffers,
    much as his victim does--indeed, one purpose of
    punishment is to inflict on the criminal
    suffering commensurate with that of his victims,
    either to deter him or others from committing
    such crimes or (in retributive theory) because it
    is considered just that he should suffer as his
    victims do. Obscenity statutes, too, might be
    thought concerned not just with offensiveness, or
    with third-party effects (the thrust of the
    Indianapolis pornography ordinance, a precursor
    of the present ordinance, invalidated in American
    Booksellers Association, Inc. v. Hudnut, 771 F.2d
    323 (7th Cir. 1985), aff'd without opinion, 475
    U.S. 1001 (1986)), but also with the potential
    harm to the consumer of obscenity, especially a
    child who might be disturbed by graphic sexual
    images or suffer psychological harm--and thus
    Ginsberg. See also Osborne v. Ohio, 495 U.S.103,
    111 (1990).
     If the community ceased to find obscenity
    offensive, yet sought to retain the prohibition
    of it on the ground that it incited its consumers
    to commit crimes or to engage in sexual
    discrimination, or that it interfered with the
    normal sexual development of its underage
    consumers, a state would have to present a
    compelling basis for believing that these were
    harms actually caused by obscenity and not
    pretexts for regulation on grounds not authorized
    by the First Amendment. The Court in Ginsberg was
    satisfied that New York had sufficient grounds
    for thinking that representations of nudity that
    would not constitute obscenity if the consumers
    were adults were harmful to children. We must
    consider whether the City of Indianapolis has
    equivalent grounds for thinking that violent
    video games cause harm either to the game players
    or (the point the City stresses) the public at
    large.
    
     The grounds must be compelling and not merely
    plausible. Children have First Amendment rights.
    Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205,
    212-14 (1975); Tinker v. Des Moines Independent
    School District, 393 U.S. 503, 511-14 (1969).
    This is not merely a matter of pressing the First
    Amendment to a dryly logical extreme. The
    murderous fanaticism displayed by young German
    soldiers in World War II, alumni of the Hitler
    Jugend, illustrates the danger of allowing
    government to control the access of children to
    information and opinion. Now that eighteen-year-
    olds have the right to vote, it is obvious that
    they must be allowed the freedom to form their
    political views on the basis of uncensored speech
    before they turn eighteen, so that their minds
    are not a blank when they first exercise the
    franchise. And since an eighteen-year-old's right
    to vote is a right personal to him rather than a
    right to be exercised on his behalf by his
    parents, the right of parents to enlist the aid
    of the state to shield their children from ideas
    of which the parents disapprove cannot be plenary
    either. People are unlikely to become well-
    functioning, independent-minded adults and
    responsible citizens if they are raised in an
    intellectual bubble.
    
     No doubt the City would concede this point if
    the question were whether to forbid children to
    read without the presence of an adult the
    Odyssey, with its graphic descriptions of
    Odysseus's grinding out the eye of Polyphemus
    with a heated, sharpened stake, killing the
    suitors, and hanging the treacherous
    maidservants; or The Divine Comedy with its
    graphic descriptions of the tortures of the
    damned; or War and Peace with its graphic
    descriptions of execution by firing squad, death
    in childbirth, and death from war wounds. Or if
    the question were whether to ban the stories of
    Edgar Allen Poe, or the famous horror movies made
    from the classic novels of Mary Wollstonecraft
    Shelley (Frankenstein) and Bram Stoker (Dracula).
    Violence has always been and remains a central
    interest of humankind and a recurrent, even
    obsessive theme of culture both high and low. It
    engages the interest of children from an early
    age, as anyone familiar with the classic fairy
    tales collected by Grimm, Andersen, and Perrault
    are aware. To shield children right up to the age
    of 18 from exposure to violent descriptions and
    images would not only be quixotic, but deforming;
    it would leave them unequipped to cope with the
    world as we know it.
    
     Maybe video games are different. They are, after
    all, interactive. But this point is superficial,
    in fact erroneous. All literature (here broadly
    defined to include movies, television, and the
    other photographic media, and popular as well as
    highbrow literature) is interactive; the better
    it is, the more interactive. Literature when it
    is successful draws the reader into the story,
    makes him identify with the characters, invites
    him to judge them and quarrel with them, to
    experience their joys and sufferings as the
    reader's own. Protests from readers caused
    Dickens to revise Great Expectations to give it a
    happy ending, and tourists visit sites in Dublin
    and its environs in which the fictitious events
    of Ulysses are imagined to have occurred. The
    cult of Sherlock Holmes is well known.
    
     Most of the video games in the record of this
    case, games that the City believes violate its
    ordinances, are stories. Take once again "The
    House of the Dead." The player is armed with a
    gun--most fortunately, because he is being
    assailed by a seemingly unending succession of
    hideous axe-wielding zombies, the living dead
    conjured back to life by voodoo. The zombies have
    already knocked down and wounded several people,
    who are pleading pitiably for help; and one of
    the player's duties is to protect those
    unfortunates from renewed assaults by the
    zombies. His main task, however, is self-defense.
    Zombies are supernatural beings, therefore
    difficult to kill. Repeated shots are necessary
    to stop them as they rush headlong toward the
    player. He must not only be alert to the
    appearance of zombies from any quarter; he must
    be assiduous about reloading his gun
    periodically, lest he be overwhelmed by the rush
    of the zombies when his gun is empty.
    
     Self-defense, protection of others, dread of the
    "undead," fighting against overwhelming odds--
    these are all age-old themes of literature, and
    ones particularly appealing to the young. "The
    House of the Dead" is not distinguished
    literature. Neither, perhaps, is "The Night of
    the Living Dead," George A. Romero's famous
    zombie movie that was doubtless the inspiration
    for "The House of the Dead." Some games, such as
    "Dungeons and Dragons," have achieved cult
    status; although it seems unlikely, some of these
    games, perhaps including some that are as violent
    as those in the record, will become cultural
    icons. We are in the world of kids' popular
    culture. But it is not lightly to be suppressed.
    
     Although violent video games appeal primarily to
    boys, the record contains, surprisingly, a
    feminist violent video game, "Ultimate Mortal
    Kombat 3." A man and a woman are dressed in
    vaguely medieval costumes, and wield huge swords.
    The woman is very tall, very fierce, and wields
    her sword effortlessly. The man and the woman
    duel, and the man is killed. Another man appears-
    -he is killed too. The woman wins all the duels.
    She is as strong as the men, she is more
    skillful, more determined, and she does not
    flinch at the sight of blood. Of course, her
    success depends on the player's skill, and the
    fact that the player, whether male or female, has
    chosen to be the female fighter. (The player
    chooses which fighter to be.) But the game is
    feminist in depicting a woman as fully capable of
    holding her own in violent combat with heavily
    armed men. It thus has a message, even an
    "ideology," just as books and movies do.
    
     We are not persuaded by the City's argument that
    whatever contribution to the marketplace of ideas
    and expression the games in the record may have
    the potential to make is secured by the right of
    the parent (or guardian, or custodian--and does
    that include a babysitter?) to permit his or her
    child or ward to play these games. The right is
    to a considerable extent illusory. The parent is
    not permitted to give blanket consent, but must
    accompany the child to the game room. Many
    parents are too busy to accompany their child to
    a game room; most teenagers would be deterred
    from playing these games if they had to be
    accompanied by mom; even parents who think
    violent video games harmful or even edifying
    (some parents want their kids to develop a
    shooter's reflexes) may rather prevent their
    children from playing these games than incur the
    time and other costs of accompanying the children
    to the game room; and conditioning a minor's
    First Amendment rights on parental consent of
    this nature is a curtailment of those rights. 
    
     The City rightly does not rest on "what everyone
    knows" about the harm inflicted by violent video
    games. These games with their cartoon characters
    and stylized mayhem are continuous with an age-
    old children's literature on violent themes. The
    exposure of children to the "girlie" magazines
    involved in the Ginsberg case was not. It seemed
    obvious to the Supreme Court that these magazines
    were an adult invasion of children's culture and
    parental prerogatives. No such argument is
    available here. The City instead appeals to
    social science to establish that games such as
    "The House of the Dead" and "Ultimate Mortal
    Kombat 3," games culturally isomorphic with (and
    often derivative from) movies aimed at the same
    under-18 crowd, are dangerous to public safety.
    The social science evidence on which the City
    relies consists primarily of the pair of
    psychological studies that we mentioned earlier,
    which are reported in Craig A. Anderson & Karen
    E. Dill, "Personality Processes and Individual
    Differences--Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts,
    Feelings, and Behavior in the Laboratory and in
    Life," 78 J. Personality & Soc. Psych. 772
    (2000). Those studies do not support the
    ordinance. There is no indication that the games
    used in the studies are similar to those in the
    record of this case or to other games likely to
    be marketed in game arcades in Indianapolis. The
    studies do not find that video games have ever
    caused anyone to commit a violent act, as opposed
    to feeling aggressive, or have caused the average
    level of violence to increase anywhere. And they
    do not suggest that it is the interactive
    character of the games, as opposed to the
    violence of the images in them, that is the cause
    of the aggressive feelings. The studies thus are
    not evidence that violent video games are any
    more harmful to the consumer or to the public
    safety than violent movies or other violent, but
    passive, entertainments. It is highly unlikely
    that they are more harmful, because "passive"
    entertainment aspires to be interactive too and
    often succeeds. When Dirty Harry or some other
    avenging hero kills off a string of villains, the
    audience is expected to identify with him, to
    revel in his success, to feel their own finger on
    the trigger. It is conceivable that pushing a
    button or manipulating a toggle stick engenders
    an even deeper surge of aggressive joy, but of
    that there is no evidence at all.
    
     We can imagine the City's arguing that it would
    like to ban violent movies too, but that either
    this is infeasible or the City has to start
    somewhere and should not be discouraged from
    experimenting. Experimentation should indeed not
    be discouraged. But the City makes neither
    argument. Its only expressed concern is with
    video games, in fact only video games in game
    arcades, movie-theater lobbies, and hotel game
    rooms. It doesn't even argue that the addition of
    violent video games to violent movies and
    television in the cultural menu of Indianapolis
    youth significantly increases whatever dangers
    media depictions of violence pose to healthy
    character formation or peaceable, law-abiding
    behavior. Violent video games played in public
    places are a tiny fraction of the media violence
    to which modern American children are exposed.
    Tiny--and judging from the record of this case
    not very violent compared to what is available to
    children on television and in movie theaters
    today. The characters in the video games in the
    record are cartoon characters, that is, animated
    drawings. No one would mistake them for
    photographs of real people--another difference
    between this case and Ginsberg. The idea that a
    child's interest in such fantasy mayhem is
    "morbid"--that any kid who enjoys playing "The
    House of the Dead" or "Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3"
    should be dragged off to a psychiatrist--gains no
    support from anything that has been cited to us
    in defense of the ordinance.
    
     Ginsberg did not insist on social scientific
    evidence that quasi-obscene images are harmful to
    children. The Court, as we have noted, thought
    this a matter of common sense. It was in 1968; it
    may not be today; but that is not our case. We
    are not concerned with the part of the
    Indianapolis ordinance that concerns sexually
    graphic expression. The video games at issue in
    this case do not involve sex, but instead a
    children's world of violent adventures. Common
    sense says that the City's claim of harm to its
    citizens from these games is implausible, at best
    wildly speculative. Common sense is sometimes
    another word for prejudice, and the common sense
    reaction to the Indianapolis ordinance could be
    overcome by social scientific evidence, but has
    not been. The ordinance curtails freedom of
    expression significantly and, on this record,
    without any offsetting justification,
    "compelling" or otherwise.
    
     It is conceivable though unlikely that in a
    plenary trial the City can establish the legality
    of the ordinance. We need not speculate on what
    evidence might be offered, or, if none is offered
    (in which event a permanent injunction should
    promptly be entered), what amendments might bring
    the ordinance into conformity with First
    Amendment principles. We have emphasized the
    "literary" character of the games in the record
    and the unrealistic appearance of their "graphic"
    violence. If the games used actors and simulated
    real death and mutilation convincingly, or if the
    games lacked any story line and were merely
    animated shooting galleries (as several of the
    games in the record appear to be), a more
    narrowly drawn ordinance might survive a
    constitutional challenge.
    
     That we need not decide today. The plaintiffs
    are entitled to a preliminary injunction. Not
    only have they shown a strong likelihood of
    ultimate victory should the City persist with the
    case; they will suffer irreparable harm if the
    ordinance is permitted to go into effect, because
    compliance with it will impose costs on them of
    altering their facilities and will also cause
    them to lose revenue. And given the entirely
    conjectural nature of the benefits of the
    ordinance to the people of Indianapolis, the harm
    of a preliminary injunction to the City must be
    reckoned slight, and outweighed by the harm that
    denying the injunction would impose on the
    plaintiffs. The judgment is therefore reversed,
    and the case remanded with instructions to enter
    a preliminary injunction.
    
    Reversed and Remanded, with Instructions.
    
    
    Ads by FindLaw